This article is written by Mian Haroon Masood, a political leader based in Gujrat, Pakistan.
Crude oil prices have already surged by more than $25 per barrel, and with Kuwait reportedly shutting down production, the global market may soon witness oil touching the $100 per barrel mark. Such a spike would have far-reaching consequences for the global economy.
The situation is further aggravated by the choking of the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic maritime artery through which a significant portion of the world’s oil supply passes. Any disruption in this corridor would inevitably trigger a sharp rise in petrol prices worldwide.
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Compounding these tensions are reports suggesting that the U.S. aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln has been struck. If confirmed, this development would dramatically alter the strategic landscape. Since World War II, American aircraft carriers have navigated international waters as symbols of U.S. military power and as instruments safeguarding its geopolitical interests across regions such as the Middle East and beyond. An attack on such a vessel would represent not merely a military incident but a profound blow to American prestige and strategic dominance.
Notably, there has been no decisive response from Middle Eastern states, either in support of or in opposition to the United States. This silence may indicate that regional actors are quietly reassessing their strategic positions. In the midst of escalating tensions, some countries may already be engaging in discreet backchannel communications with Iran, exploring the possibility of recalibrating alliances. Many of these states believe they have long supported American interests, yet when confronted with their own security concerns, the anticipated level of American assistance did not materialize.
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Consequently, the region appears to be entering a phase of strategic realignment and diplomatic recalibration. The world today stands at what may be described as a crossroads reminiscent of the brink of a third world war—a conflict that would bring not only immense devastation and chaos but also collapsing economies, indiscriminate bombardments, and deepening political polarization across continents.
For decades, the United States has relied on its Middle Eastern allies many of whom remained compliant with Washington’s strategic directives. Rather than forming a cohesive regional bloc capable of articulating a unified stance, these countries often found themselves accommodating American priorities, sometimes to their own strategic disadvantage. Now, as tensions escalate, they appear to be walking a razor’s edge, confronted with the consequences of those long-standing alignments.
Iran, for its part, has demonstrated that it is not a state to be underestimated. Should hostilities intensify, it has signaled its willingness to confront the United States wherever necessary. Critics argue that President Donald Trump initiated this confrontation without obtaining formal authorization from the U.S. Congress, thereby setting in motion a conflict whose consequences could extend far beyond the region.
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History offers sobering parallels. During the early 1950s Korean War, General Douglas MacArthur advocated for an aggressive escalation of the conflict against North Korea and even sought permission to deploy atomic weapons from bases in Japan. However, President Harry S. Truman intervened and ultimately dismissed MacArthur, recognizing that such escalation could plunge the world into catastrophic destruction so soon after the devastation of World War II. That decision arguably spared the world from a far more dangerous conflict.
In contrast, the current crisis appears to involve a far more formidable adversary. If the confrontation with Iran continues to escalate, the consequences may extend far beyond the Middle East, potentially destabilizing global security, energy markets, and international alliances.
For us to be dragged into this war is rather foolish to the utmost degree. No lessons learnt from Iraq, Libya or Syria wars. There is no valid reason for being dragged into such a war. There are two valid reasons for any such war, either it’s self-defence or a UN Security Council Resolution you have in this case, there is neither.
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This article is written by Mian Haroon Masood, a political leader based in Gujrat, Pakistan.
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